HD 197 
1841e 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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HD 197 
1841e 

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-- V-v>^£A>so of 

MR. RAYNER, OF N. CAROLINA, 

ON THE DILL 

PROPOSING TO DISTRIBUTE LNNUAILY, AMONG THE SEVERAL STATES, 
THE PROCEEDS OF THE SALES OF THE PUBLIC LANDS. 



Delivered in the House of Representatives of the I". States, July Otis 1841 



Mr. Rayner said, the question, of the proper disposition to he made of 
the public land?, was one, which had been so often : v.i\ so ably d, that 

he felt great diffidence in atte thing in . it. \s he 

considered this ■• fraught with the most importanl nces, both 

to the destmy o! the Union and the prosperity of the States; a id as he be- 
lieved, now, in all probability, was the only time when this great measure ever 
could ^ccpv,}, he felt hound to say something upon the subject That a pro- 
per settlement of this long exciting question was connected with the future 
policy ol the Government and destinies of the Union, must be apparent, when 
it was considered, that the public mind had been turned to this subject throuah- 
out the whole country— and that it was one of the cardinal measures, under 
which the present dominant party marched to victory, in the late political con- 
test When we look further, (said Mr. R.) at the immense power accruing 
to this Government in future time, from the management and disposition of 
this inexhaustible source of wealth; and the sensitive disposition of the pec- 
pie of the different sections of this country, in regard to their obtainment of a 
fair and equitable portion of the bene:, Government— we must see 

that this question of the disposition of the public lands is growing in impor- 
tance daily, ;is the population, wealth, and enterprise of the country increase 
The consideration of this ted with especial consequence at 

this time, from the interesting era in which we live, and the peculiar ciisis 
which has arnved, m the internal affairs and relations of the 
\\e live in the age of imj it. The pro- ,tions now. to 

md to giory— instead o! slow work of a es, is tl 

nrentoi ag i. All the i ota which tend to develop the 

wealth an res of a people, are hurried on with a po« | f 

. The mountains are bowing their heads, and the riv< re j ieldin r their 
streams, to the enterprise and ingenuity of man ; an I cUnff 

are offering facUities to, the ti rich pro,: 

forests, to the c of the Atlantic eoast. This i nge 

ol mental, as well as physical improvement. | , r m!ll ,|. what 

doing for matter. I ing from • ■ ,, pTOm 

blem is soon to be solved— of ho* 

pable of attaining The - through a laudable ambi 

are running a race in this career of improvement. In order I -,;,,' 

phshment of these trreat purposes, in whi.d. they d. they most have 

money,—} y— which is the i ofimprovi u ,jl 

as of war. They want monny. not for tie- purpose of idly spending it— not 
for the purpose of gratifying the ambitious enteq rise of a day— but for the 



2 



purpose of laying the foundations of a system of prosperity and glory, to be- 
enjoyed by pus'., pity for ages to come. Fortunately for our country, and our 
institutions, our va-t public domain constitutes an endless source of revenue, 
adequate to the great purposes to which I have adverted. And those States, 
which are in advance in this great and glorious race of improvement, have, 
most of them, encountered debts and difficulties, from which their share of 
this common property will relieve them, without imposing domestic burthens 
on their own citizens. 

My next principal reason, for supporting this measure at this time, is, that 
we should adopt some permanent system, for the future disposition of the 
public lands — a system which will have, as a guaranty for its duration, the 
faith of the General Government on the one hand, and the vested rights and 
individual interests of the State governments on the other. I verily be- 
lieve, that unless this question is settled on some permanent basis during the 
present Congress, that, the public lands will soon cease to be a source, either 
of ordinary revenue, or that for distribution. They will either be converted 
into political capital, with which gambling politicians will bid for the high 
places of power — or they will be seized with the strong hand of violence, and 
appropriated to the use of the new States alone, that have grown into power 
by our fostering care. Need I attempt to prove the former of these propo- 
sitions, when every aspiring politician is torturing his brain, to invent some 
svstem for the disposition of these lands, which may secure, to him the favor 
of the new and rising States — on account of its being for their benefit exclu- 
sively? Has not this measure, in a great degree, become a party question? 
Do you not see men from the old States, who received these lands as an inhe- 
ritance from their ancestors, and who should preserve them as a legacy for 
their posterity — willing to convert this great national treasure into political 
stock, to be exchanged for a mere ephemeral exercise of power? Are not 
the power and patronage, incident to the survey and sale of these lands, daily 
strengthening the executive arm, and threatening to poison the fountains of 
political integrity ? 

Is there no danger of the new States laying claim to the whole of the pub- 
lic lands within their limits? Tell me not of Constitution, of law, and of 
justice operating on communities, when interest and power are thrown in the 
opposite scale. Let the apportionment of representation under the late census 
take place— let the overwhelming power of the new States once be repre- 
sented in this hall, and you will see, whether they will not attempt to recon- 
cile the appropriation of the whole public domain to their own use, with their 
duty to the Constitution, and their plighted faith to the old States. This 
proposition was heard only in faint whispers a few years since — now it is 
boldly proclaimed in the councils of the nation, and we are daily admonished 
of the rising power of the West, and warned of the time, when that section is 
to dictate law to the balance of the Union. And once this system is com- 
menced, you can never arrest its progress — once we relax our grasp upon 
the public domain, it will be gone forever. For, if you give to the present 
new States, all the public lands within their limits, each State in succession, 
as it comes into the Union, will claim the same favor; and you cannot con- 
sistently withhold it. They will not wait till they are admitted into the 
Union— territories will put in their claims ; and, hereafter, the establishment 
of a territory will only be a preliminary step, to a surrender of the lands within 
its limits. 

I am, therefore, for establishing a permanent system for the disposition of 
the public lands now, now whilst the public mind is awakened to the sub- 
ject ; when public expectation demands it at our hands. I am for removing 
these lands beyond the reach of political or party influences. I am for de- 
priving political speculators of this stock, with which they are trading away 



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the rights and interests of tlie several States. I am for weakening the arm of 
executive power, by depriving it of this vast corruption fund. I am lor 
allaying the jealousies which arc fast arising between the new States and the 
old, in regard to this matter ; and for Identifying, forever, their interests, and 

the sources of their prosperity. 

In order to the proper understanding of the relations between the States 
an 1 the General Government, in regard to the question of the public lands — 
we must go hack to an early period of our history. The original patentees 
of the crown of England, claimed all the waste lands, as far west as the Pa- 
cific ocean. Here, then, we see, that the claim of tin 1 colonies to the unap- 
propriated lands of the west, is identified with the first settlement of this 
country. When the colonies were afterwards converted into royal govern- 
ments, either by grant from the patentees, or the forfeiture of their charters, 
the crown succeeded to all their powers and privileges ; and. hence, these 
waste lands, even to the South sen, were claimed by the crown. By the treaty 
of 1763, however, the Mississippi river was established as the boundary be- 
i British America, and Louisiana then owned by the French. When 
the colonies revolted against the British Government,, and declared independ- 
ence — each one of them claimed all the authority, powers, rights and privi- 
- of sovereignty, which had been exercised by the crown ; and conse- 
quently, laid claim to all the waste lands then owned by it — which claim was 
ultimately confirmed by the treaty of peace in 17S:i. Each of the States 
laid claim to all the lands originally contained in their colonial chartered 
limits. This question, of the riiiht of the States to all the waste lands 
within their chartered limits, excited ureat attention at an early period of the 
revolution ; and prevented, for a time, the ratification of the articles of con- 
federation. The States Which held no waste lands insisted — and with appa- 
rent justice too — that as they were all entailed in n common struggle, and as 
these waste lands were to be wrested from a common enemy, by a common 
sacrifice ; they ou<rht to be considered as common property, to he used for 
the common use and benefit of all the States. Their object was, no doubt, 
to secure a common fund, to pay the common debt of the revolution. 

Some of the Stales refused to Bign the articles of confederation, unless 
upon the condition, that the States claiming unappropriated lands should 
surrender them as a common fund. As early as 1776, the convention which 
framed the constitution of Maryland, passed the following resolution: 

" Resolved, unanimously* That it is the opinion of this convention thru the veiy exten- 
sive claim of the Ststc of Virginia to tin- 1 all lands hath no foundation in justice, Mid 
that if the same or any like claim is admitted, the freedom of the smell 8ti tea end the 
liberties of America may be thereby greatly endangered ; this convention being firm!} i er- 

suaded that, if the dominion over those lands should be established by toe I lood and treas- 
ure of the Unite' E iit t«> l>e considi n c, to be par- 
celled out at proper tine l nient, free, and indep. nd< :it ( rOV( i Dm 

As late as 1779, when all the other States had signed the articles, she still 
»< 1, and instructed her delegates in Co i insist upon a surrender 

of the lands, by those States claiming them. The following is an extract 
from these instructions: 

'• We are convinced policy and justice require that a country unsettled at the commence- 
ment of this war, claimed by thi B I it by ti> treaty of l'< 

1 from the common enemy i t the thirt. 

be considered a.« a common property, suhject to i»e peiueuV 

venient, and independent Governments, in xucli manner, and at such times, as the wisdom 
of that assembly shall hereafter direct. 

" Thus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us by our c were 

we to authorize you to ratify on their behalf the coined.- ration, unless it be fturthi 
plained. We have coolly and dispassionsttjly considered the subject; sre have weighed 
probable inconveniences and hardships against the sacrifice of just and essential rights; and 



4 

do instruct you not to agree to the con federation unless an article or articles be added thereto 
iu conformity wijli our declaration. Should we succeed in obtaining such article or arti- 
cles, then you are heiehy lully empowered to accede to the confederacy." 

\\ hen Delaware acceded to the confederation in 1779, she also passed the 
following resolution, as a part of the condition of her accession: 

•• Resolved, oho, That this State consider themselves justly entitled to a right, in common 
with the members of the Union, to that extensive tract of country which lies to the west- 
ward of the frontier of the United States, the property of which was not vested in, or grant- 
ed to, individuals at the commencement of the present war ; that the same hath been or 
ma) be gained from the King of Great Britain, or the native Indians, by the blood and 
treasure of all, and ought therefore to be a common estate, to be granted out on terms bene- 
ficial to the United States." 

The Congress then sitting under the articles of confederation, feeling the 
great importance of preserving union and harmony among the States, and of 
uniting them in one common league, and seeing the difficulties likely to grow 
out of this question, took the matter in consideration, and on the 6th Sep- 
tember, 1780, passed resolutions, from which, the following arc extracts: 

"That it appears advisable to press upon those States which can remove the embarrass- 
ments respecting the western country, a liberal surrender of a portion of their territorial 
claims, since they cannot be preserved entire, without endangering the stability of the con- 
federacy, &c. And that it be earnestly recommended to those States who have claims to 
the western country, to pass such laws, and give their delegates in Congress such powers 
as may effectually remove the obstacle to a final ratification of the articles of confedera- 
tion, &c." 

By a further reference to the journals of the old Congress, we find the fol- 
lowing resolution, passed the 10th October, 1780: 

" Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded to the United States by 
any particular State, pursuant to the recommendation of Congress, of the 6th of September 
last, shall be disposed of for the common benefit of the United States." 

Again, in April, 1783, after the cession from New York, but before the 
cession from Virginia, the old Congress adopted the following resolution : 

" Resolved, That as a further mean, as well of hastening the extinguishment of the debts 
as of establishing the harmony of the United States, it be recommended to the States which 
have passed no acts towards complying with the resolutions of Congress of the 6th of Sep- 
tember and 10th of October, 1780, relative to the cession of territorial claims, to make the 
liberal cessions therein recommended, and to the States which may have passed acts com- 
plying with the said resolutions in part only, to revise and complete such compliance." 

These historical incidents are important, as tending to show the views and 
feelings which prevailed at that time, in regard to this measure — the motives 
and inducements which led to the surrender, by those States claiming lands; 
and the objects and purposes designed to be accomplished, by those States 
demanding the surrender. 

It is very evident, from the very language of the resolutions, both of the 
old Congress, and the States insisting upon a surrender, that their object was 
nut only to secure peace and harmony, but to create a permanent common 
fund, for the payment of the debt then incurred, and to be incurred, in the 
piosecution of the war. 

By examining the deeds of cession from the States which surrendered their 
waste lands, we find another condition inserted in every one of them — a con- 
dition accepted by the confederation, and which has accordingly become a 
part of the contract. This condition was, that these lands were to constitute 
a fund, to be used for the common use and benefit of all the States that then 
7verc, or might afterwards become, members of the confederacy — the ceding 
States inclusive. Let us examine the deeds of cession. 

In the deed of cession from New York, which was first in point of time, 
and which bore date February, 1780, we find the following language : 

"iai 



APR 17 19« 



•J ire do by these presents, in the >pJe, ;*'.id for and on behalf <>t the 

tk, and by virtue of the and I 

and commission, cede, 1 tdfbrevei relinquish to, and far th 

; i of the Si ition, all the 

title, inter- - State of New 

ntorti of, .hi<1 appropriated in nucta manner m the 

nited or coi shall order and di 

In the d a Virginia, which followed next^ and which bore 

date March, 1784, w< find the following: 

"That all the lands within the terri: I to the I' 

r appropriated to, any of the befbrementioned purpoaee, or disposed <>t in bounties to 
the officers and - the American army, shall l>< rommon fund Jot 

nt of each ot the United States as have become, or shall become, m< 
oi" th. ral alliance 

. .ind shall be faithfully 
of for that | - whatever? 

Th< - .on from s, which bore dale March, 1785, 

,at her d i t and authority to them 

committed/' 

• the United States \ i, ■' tkt ir 

.lit, title." & include by de taring ti:;<t the 

• to the mes, in a ,11 80, 
mentioned. " 

In the cessi n from Connecticut, which bore date September, 1786, her 

delegates, 

:i. rede and com 
nnecticut inclusive, all t!:e right, tide, interest, 
5 ite of Connecticut hat!,. 
decbr 

The uses mentioned in the act n1 •• I r the 

mon ui lecticul inclusive." 

The deed ot' 1st, 1787, 

declares, tliat her de 

•ho United 

9 
ilh, in and to the before mentioned an i 

Ti. \ Carolina, which bore da;e, February, 1790, 

i, 

i 

- well ot' // 
b irmony ol 
f.»re her hot, 
the benefit which 

- 

The same being in virtue of an act of the (ieneral Assembly of 
which declared, 

• That all the land.-* intrn led 1 
America, and not 
fir the n ( f and f 
mcrto then 
shall be faithful!;. 

In the deed of I which v. 

executed after the a 
is ik shall be 

/ mon fund for f ! 
eluded, and shall be faithful that purpose, and fir ito>>th'r 

By comparing the resolutions i 



the States to make these cessions, with the language used by those States in 
their deeds of cession, we are enabled to discover the motives which induced 
the States to make these patriotic sacrifices. We shall see, that the object, 
to use the language of the act of Assembly of North Carolina, was " as well 
for hastening the extinguishment of the debts, as for establishing the harmony 
of the United States." Those debts having been extinguished, and the pri- 
mary objects of tiie cessions having been accomplished, we must recur to the 
deeds of cession, in order to ascertain what ultimate disposition, the States 
contracted to be made of these lands. 

The deed of cession from Virginia, which was the most important, 
in consequence of the greater amount of territory conveyed, expressly stipu- 
lated, that the lands ceded should "be considered as a common fund for the 
use and benefit of such of the United States as then had become, or should 
become, members of the confederation or federal alliance of said States, Vir- 
ginia inclusive, according to their usual respective proportions in the general 
charge and expenditure, and should be faithfully and bona fide disposed of 
for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatever." And it is a 
little remarkable, that almost the identical same language should be used in all 
the deeds of cession. They all stipulate, that the lands ceded should be for 
the common use and benefit of the United States. Why should the ceding 
States have so expressly stipulated, that these lands were to be held as a com- 
mon fund, for the common use and benefit of all the States, if the grant was 
unqualified and unrestricted ? If it was intended that these lands should be- 
come mere national property, the proceeds of which were to go into the na- 
tional treasury, for the ordinary support of the Government, in all future time, 
a formal grant in general terms would have been sufficient : and why insert 
the express provision, that they should be held for the common use and bene- 
fit of all the States ? If a full and unconditional power over these lands was 
intended to be conveyed, why should each State have expressly provided, that 
this common fund should be disposed of for the common use and benefit of 
all the States, the ceding State inclusive ? For if it was simply intended 
that the lands should become general property, go into the general treasury, 
and support the General Government, each State, as a member of the confed- 
eration, would have received its benefit and advantages, as such, without the 
insertion of a clause inclusive of itself. Why should each State have ex- 
pressly stipulated, that the lands should enure to the use and benefit " of such 
States as might thereafter become members of the confederation," if it was 
intended that the proceeds of these lands should always continue to defray the 
expenses of the general treasury ? Had this been intended, each and every 
State that might ever become a member of the federal alliance, would have 
received its benefit, in the exemption these lands would have afforded from 
other purposes of taxation — had no clause been inserted, extending the use 
and benefit of this fund to such States as might afterwards become members 
of the confederation. 

It will not be pretended that these stipulations mean nothing. It is paying 
a poor compliment to the wisdom and sagacity of our lathers, to say that they 
are mere idle verbiage. If they mean any thing, what do they mean ? What 
can they mean, except that the States intended to restrict the action of the 
General Government, in the disposition of these lands — and that the balance, 
after the " extinguishment of the debts " then incurred, and to be incurred, 
should be so disposed of, that each State should receive its individual and 
separate share of the common use and benefit resulting from their application? 

But the States of Virginia and North Carolina not only ceded their lands 
upon condition that they should be disposed of for the common use and bene- 
fit of all the States, themselves included ; but they have expressly provided 
the standard, by which each State is to receive its quota of the benefit. 



Tliey declare, that it shall be "according to their usual respective proportioni 
iti the genera] charge ind expenditure. In order to the proper understand- 
ing of this clause, we mast recur to the history of the time. It go well 
known that during the old confederation, the taxes necessarj for the common 

support of the war of the revolution, were do! collected ai reedy from the 
le, by the compulsory action of the genera] ( longress, but by requisitions on 
— furnishing the quota required, according to its re- 

sources and ability. The u general charge and expenditure' 1 mentioned, 
mean ry one must know, that incurred by the war of the revolution. 

It wastheq v< . jtly, whal le furnished to¥ 

the common cause. And when this clause was inserted, it was in ntt< i ig- 
norance, that the debts incurred by the States in this common stn ggle, would 
afterwards he assumed by the Federal Government — and under the in 
sion, no doubt, that each State would have to contribute to the paymi Dt <d 
its own debts contracted, and expenses incurred. This "general cl 
and expenditure" clause, then, not only goes to show, that the principal ob- 
ject whi--h induced to the surrendi r of the lands, was liment of 
the revolutionary debt — but u lays down the principle, according i<> ihe man- 
ner of taxation which then prevailed, how the S to be compensated 
for their several sacrifices in a common cause. 

Tl, then. ceded, and the Federal Government received, these lands 

for a certain object, and under certain conditions. And that object having 
been accomplished, both in the "extinguishment of the debt' 1 of the revo- 
lution, and in the r - of "harmony" — the want of which arose liom 
the fear of the smaller States, of the overshadowing power of the hone 
9 which held these lands — the question ar shall be done with 
the balance of this : 

The honorable gentleman from B fr. Clipporo] who addressed the 

House on this subj< m, that th< f the revolution ex- 

ceeded one hundred millions ol . as the income from 

lands, afti of pure!, the Indian . and 

sale, fell I f that amount — the Ian da i this fund, 

even according to the argument of this bill. Admitting the 

gentleman's pre i to be correct, still it does not alter the case. It the 
lands were ceded for 
after the accomplishment of that purp to the nil 

ion, this latter disposition should be made, at toon as the first pur 

!. The General Goven ring other funds, and resorting 

is, to pay the debt of • ■ ■ I authorize it to 

make somi mds, other than that for which the) 

ceded. If the debt of the revolution. it of which these lands 

> far the i rising from th< 

lands — still, b ''tl - .' Why, ora the p 

of the States. Ti; I mm. -nt to 

a common debt. T man from .Maine b: f the 

by millions. And yet he le thn 

Federal Government has im] upon th< 

debt, that, therefore, the lands are not to be applied to the ultimati 
stipulated, after t! -oipli- 

ance with the • General ( 

of the lands accor.! r that con- 

tingency arrives so IT, the 

fact, that other burthens have been imposed to p it of the revolution, 

is an additional reason, why these land* ■faonla be disposed of as soon as pos- 
sible, according to the terms of >' • Ind thai is, "to 
pose" of the- tb# t ales, uu DC 



their usual an 1 respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure." 
Since the method of raising taxes has been changed from what it was when 
the deeds of cession were made; since we cannot ascertain exactly^ what each 
State contributes to the support of this Government; we must adopt the same 
principle which would apply in a court of chancery, and come as near to it 
as the nature of the case v\ ill admit. And T know of no better standard, than 
thai which has been adopted in this bill — that of federal population. 

The Ljentleman from Maine [Mr. Clifford,] and the gentleman from Vir- 
ginia [Mr. Wist;,] took the ground that the right of the General Government 
" to dispose" of these lands, was derived under the Constitution; and that, as 
t!i,' Constitution was adopted after the deeds of cession were made, that, there- 
fore, any revisionary interest, which the States might have had in the lands, 
must he considered as cancelled. Now, sir, what says the Constitution ? 
The 3d section of the 4th article of the Constitution declares, " The Con- 
gress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regula- 
tions respecting, the territory or other property of the United States; and 
nothing in this. Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims 
of I he United Slates, or of any particular Slate.'''' 

Now, from this latter clause, " securing the claims of any particular State," 
following in the same sentence, with that prescribing the power of this Gov- 
ernment in regard to the public lands, it. would seem that it was inserted for 
the express purpose, of securing to the States any right which they may have 
had, before the adoption of the Constitution. How can the gentleman from 
Maine insist, that the power of the General Government to " dispose" of 
these lands is absolute and unlimited, when there is a saving clause, declaring 
that the claims of no "'•particular State should be prejudiced''' by any thing 
in tlie Constitution ? 

As to the lands acquired by purchase, I admit the authority of this Gov- 
ernment to dispose of them is absolute, except so far as it is restrained from 
applying them to any purpose, which it is forbid to accomplish, by the Con- 
stitution ; and this admission of.the gentleman from Maine, I will use for my 
own purpose, when I come to speak of the lands acquired by purchase. But 
the gentleman is compelled to make his argument a very convenient one. For 
the purpose of rebutting the claims of the States, he insists that their rights-, 
if they ever had any, w re cancelled by tlie Constitution, and that the right 
to " dispose" of the territory of the United States, places this matter under 
the absolute and unconditional control of tins Government. And yet, for the 
purpose of answering the argument of those who advocate distribution, upon 
grounds ofcxpediency, he immediately replies, that the right " to dispose of 
tiie territory," mentioned in the Constitution, is a qualified right, and must 
be limited, by confining it to a disposition for the purpose of paying debts, and 
not of distribution among the States. The gentleman is compelled to change 
his ground, to meet arguments based upon different views. 

As to the lands acquired by cession, I have attempted to show that the 
power of Congress to " dispose" of them must be qualified, by limiting it to 
such disposition, as will not " prejudice the claims of any particular State." 
Those claims are, that, since the accomplishment of the purposes for which 
they were ceded, they must be held as a common fund, for the common use 
and" benefit of all the States. And the nearest practicable standard, by which 
we can judge of " their usual and respective proportions in the general charge 
and expenditure," is that of federal population. 

Now, let us look at the lands acquired by purchase, including all the lands 
west of the Mississippi, and the Territory of Florida. And here I take the 
argument u.-ed by the gentleman from Maine, for the purpose of proving that 
the reversionary claim of the States, under the deeds of cession, was abrogated 
by the adoption of the Constitution, That argument was, that the power " to 



dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations re^prrtiiiu. the territory 
of the United S -." ! full and absolute power over the Bttbjeet; 

which argument, it will be recollected, be himself afterwards controverted, 
when he attempted to show, that the power to dispose of, was limited to the 
power to dispose o( lor the purpose of paying debts. I adopt the gentleman's 
iirst argument, so far as relates to the lands acquired by purchase, and take 
issue with him, as applied in the latter case. '1 he right of Congress " to 
dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting, the terri- 
tory of the United States," is unlimited and unqualified, t xcept bo far as it is 
restricted by »• any claims ol any particular State ;" and other restrictions 
arising under the Constitution, which would prohibit Congress from apply- 
ing these lanes to any purpose expressly forbidden in that instrument. For 
ice, Congress could not give these lands to the States for tbe purpose of 
endowing any particular church ; for the Constitution expressly declares, that 
no religion shall be established bylaw. Congress cannot divide the proceeds 
of these lands among tes, for the express purpose of supporting troops, 

or building of war; because these powers are expressly denied to the 

States by the Constitution. Congress cannot entail these lands, in perpetuity, 
upon any privileged class ; for the Constitution expressly prohibits the es- 
tablishment of any order of nobility. The end being prohibited, the means 
necessarily must be. Subject to these restrictions only, the power of Con- 
gress over the public lands acquired by purchase, is unlimited. And if I am 
answered, that Congress can exercise no power but what is expressly 
granted, and that there is no grant in the Constitution to distribute the 
proceeds of these lands; my reply is. that the purchase of this vast terri- 
tory has generally been considered by all men, of all parties — even Mr. Jef- 
ferson himself — to have had no warrant in the Constitution. Here, then, is 
a case not within the perview and provisions of the Constitution; and we 
must manage the relations growing out of it, in accordance with the spirit of 
the Constitution, the principles of equity and of compromise, and in pursu- 
ance of the purposes which induced to its happening. What is the spirit of 
institution ? It is one of equal benefits and equal burthens. And as 
these lands were paid for out of a common treasure, contributed to by com- 
mon burthen- : as there is no clause in that instrument, warranting the belief 
that the public lands ever were intended to lie a source of revenue, ( xclusi 
equity ipromise, and uniformity of system, would seem to require, 

that, like the lands acquired by i should constitute a common 

fund, for the Common use and benefit of all the States. 

The gentleman from Virginia. (Mr. Wise, took the ground, in his argu- 
ment. . that the General Government had never yet been, reim 
buried by the sale of these lands, for t I in their pure 

a: and that, including the expense of Indian wan, the land 
fund was many millions ofdoll irs in debt to the Governmi v. V 
this a fair standard, by which to estimate the relative ben< fits and burthens, 
which the purehnse of the western territory has entailed on this Government \ 
What was the motive, which induced the General Government t<» purchase 
Louisiana and Florida? Was it on'' of pecuniary gain ! Waa it for the 
purpose of securing a fund to supply revenut I V. > it with a view to li 
the burthens arising from the duties on foreign import Does liny one 

believe — does _ man from Virginia belie-.. — L such an idea ever en- 
tered the heads of those, who conceived and executed the project of pure! 
Louisiana and 1 

Mr. Wise. I do say, that one of the m Is which induced to the 

purchase of this territory, was its valm . in a pecuniary point of view. 

Mr. R. Then 1 can only exp: 
such liberal and comprehensive views of great questions <>f national polic] 
the gentleman from Virginia, should look at this in such a narrow and con- 



10 

traded light — as a mere matter of pecuniary speculation. No, sir ; no such 
sordid calculating motive actuated those who administered the Government, 
when this vast territory was purchased. They were stimulated by far higher 
and more patriotic considerations. National safety, national honor, national 
glory was their aim. Here was an immense frontier, extending from the 
source to the mouth of the Mississippi, dividing us from numberless tribes of 
hostile Indians. Here was a limit placed to our power and civilization. 
Here was a foothold, from which the enemies of our country and our institu- 
tions might forever harass and annoy us. Here was an obstruction to the 
commerce of the great valley of the Mississippi. Here was the free and ex- 
clusive navigation of the great father of waters, not only denied us, but likely 
to prove a source of endless litigation. Here was a flourishing colony on our 
southwestern border, belonging to one of the mightiest powers of Europe, and 
that governed by the gteat captain of modern times, who threatened to subju- 
gate the world to his dominion. By the purchase of Louisiana, all the dan- 
gers likely to result from these difficulties were averted — free scope given to 
the progress of our power, our institutions, and our glory, as far west as the 
Pacific ; and an enduring fountain of prosperity, wealth, and comfort, opened 
to our enjoyment. These blessings cannot be estimated by dollars and cents. 
They can only be measured by national glory, which is beyond value and be- 
yond price. As remarked by my friend from Maryland, (Mr. Johnson,) if 
this extensive territory had been as barren as Sahara's vast desert — yet, if the 
soil had been firm enough to bear the feet of an enemy, a hundred millions 
would not have been too great a price for its acquisition. 

If, then, the object of the General Government, in the purchase of the 
western territory, was not pecuniary gain — as it certainly was not ; if it has 
been more than a hundred fold compensated for the cost, in the acquisition of 
strength, power, safety, and glory, as well as other endless sources of revenue ; 
why will you continue to talk about the cost of these lands, in dollars and cents ? 
Why will you insist upon " disposing" of these lands in such a way as will 
reimburse the Government, in a pecuniary point of view, for the expense in- 
curred in the purchase ? This argument is based on the ground, that this 
Government, in all its great national movements, should be actuated by the 
sordid selfishness and exactness of calculation, of a broker at his counter, 
or a merchant on change. 

If you wish to know whether this Government is reimbursed for the ex- 
pense of the purchase of the western territory, go to the west, and behold the 
hundreds of steamboats, richly freighted with the commerce of a thousand 
streams, pouring their treasures into the great depot at the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi. Behold the mansions of elegance and comfort, gracing the margin of 
that noble stream. Behold the hands of civilization and enterprise, diffusing 
the blessings of comfort and of ease among thousands of our kindred freemen. 
Cross the great river, and behold your national banner floating from the spires 
of St. Louis. Listen to the anthems of our religion chaunted, where the 
nomad tribes that sweep the prairies, would have annoyed us with their end- 
less forays. Behold your power and your civilization tending westward — 
your laws and your institutions scattering quiet and contentment in their pro- 
gress. No, sir, you need not go to the west; cast your eye around this hall, 
and behold the members from the extreme west, from distant Missouri, from 
the burning clime of Louisiana, and the cold region of Maine, mingling in 
council, with their brethren of the Atlantic coast. Look at this, I say, and 
then see, if you can find in your hearts, to calculate all these considerations 
by a standard of dollars and cents. Then ask yourselves, if you will continue 
to talk about this land fund still being in debt to this Government. 

The gentleman from Maine read to us a calculation, which, he says, was 
prepared at the Treasury Department, from which it appears, that, taking into 



11 

account all the expense of purchase, survey, and sale of these lands, together 
with the cost of Indian treaties and other Indian relations, there is a balance 
due the General Government of some fourteen millions of dollars, afier strik- 
ing a balance between this sum total of expense, and the whole amount re- 
ceived from the sales of these lands. Now, 1 have attempted to show, that 
the original purchase money should not be taken into account ; that the object 
of the purchase was not pecuniary gain ; that it was national safety, national 
convenience, national power and character; and that the Government has, in 
these respects, been compensated beyond the power of money to bestow. 
Neither ought the amount of the purchase-money paid to the Indians, to be in- 
cluded in stating this account. The object of these purchases from the In- 
dians, was not solely to obtain their lands : much of it was paid for the purchase 
of peace, for the purpose of restoring safety and quiet on our frontiers. Much 
of it was paid to arrest the uplifted tomahawk ; for affording to the pioneer the 
comfort of his home; for securing to infancy the quiet of its slumber; for 
arresting the starting tear in the anxious mother's eye. These are also be- 
yond all price, and cannot be estimated by dollars and cents. The item of 
Indian relations, such as treaties, pensions, agencies, &c, ought not to have 
been included in this computation. Are the expenses attending these, in con- 
sequence of either the cessions or purchase of western lands ? Certainly not, 
sir. If the old States had never ceded one foot of land, and all that vast ter- 
ritory were a waste wilderness, still we should have had a frontier extend- 
ing from Lake Ontario to the Gulf of Mexico, with tribes of hostile Indians 
congregated on our border, requiring, at all times, the anxious attention of 
this Government. Suppose this Government had never purchased Louisiana 
and Florida, why, we should still have had a frontier extending from the Lake 
of the Woods to the mouth of the St. Mary's. We must still have maintained 
the same policy towards the Indian tribes ; negotiated for their trade and 
friendship by treaty ; purchased their quiet by presents and pensions ; dealt 
with them by agencies, 6ic. So that, if we had never acquired the western 
domain, either by cession or purchase, this item of Indian relations would 
have been, to this day, a permanent annual charge upon the Treasury. 

But if gentlemen will state the account, by an estimate oi dollars and cents, let 
them do it correctly. Whilst the land fund is charged with many items of 
expense improperly, which never grew out of either cession or purchase, but 
which, as I have attempted to show, would have existed in the absence of 
cither, one large item with which it should be credited, has been omilted al- 
together — I mean the bounties to our Revolutionary soldiers, and to the fam- 
ilies of those who fell in the last war. These bounties, arising from our 
gratitude and justice, if not paid from these lands, must have been satisfied 
from some other source of revenue, and, to that extent, have saved the Trea- 
sury from a drain of — I know not exactly how much — but an amount of 
many millions. This calculation of the gentlemen from Maine and Virginia 
is entirely fallacious. It is based upon the idea, that every great question of 
national policy and national honor is to be measured by a standard of money 
— of dollars and cents. Their estimate savors too much of the counting- 
house, to receive countenance in the Representative Hall of the nation. I wish. 
to take a more elevated view of this subject; I wish to look at it in connex- 
ion with the motives to that policy in our early history, which lias lead to 
our present greatness ; and also in connexion with the results that are likely 
to flow from it, in time to come. 

The gentleman from Maine insists, that the power to dispose of the public 
lands, means the power to dispose of them by sale, for the purpose of raising 
a revenue to support the Government. Where does he get such a rule of 
construction from ? Does he derive it from any other clause of the Consti- 
tution ? If so, where is it? Webster, in his dictionarv, defines " to dis- 



12 

pose" as meaning " to apply to a particular purpose ; to give ; to place ; to 
bestow ; to part with ; to alienate ; to part with to another ; to put into ano- 
ther's hand or possession." The gentleman's construction must then be en- 
tirely arbitrary — assumed merely to answer an especial purpose. He says 
this property belongs to the Government, and not to the Federal Union. The 
gentleman is correct, so far as relates to the lands acquired by purchase. They 
do belong to the Government, free of all incumbrance ; and the Government 
being authorized by the Constitution to dispose of them, has the undoubted 
right, according to the definition of Webster, to " give, bestow, or part with" 
them to the States. 

The gentleman from Maine took the ground, that this bill was unconstitu- 
tional : because said lie, it does not propose a disposition of the public lands, 
but a distribution of revenue. The right " to dispose of" must mean the 
right to dispose of by sale, as in any other manner; and if, as he admits, the 
lands belong to the General Government, in the first instance, the money aris- 
ing therefrom must certainly belong to it — and the Government, as well as a 
private individual, must have power to dispose of that which belo-ngs to it, 
as well by distribution, as in the payment of debts. But, says the honorable 
gentleman, there is no repealing clause in this bill, to prevent the money aris- 
ing from these lands being collected and paid into the Treasury, in the usual 
way — and that this money, when placed in the Treasury, loses its peculiar 
identity, and must partake of the same nature of that raised from " taxes, im- 
ports, and excises," which shall only be collected for the purpose of " paying 
the debts of the United States." This is a piece of refinement worthy a Vir- 
ginia politician, and not at all suited to the practical utilitarian region of Maine. 
If I deposite a sum of money with an individual for safe keeping, he is ab- 
solved from his obligation, when he repays me the amount, in any currency 
which is a legal tender. If I consign my crop to a factor, with directions 
to apply the proceeds to the payment of a debt, and to pay over the balance, 
if any, to me, he complies with his engagement, by transmitting to me the 
amount, not in the identical funds obtained, but in any other money receivable 
by law. It is the identity of amount, and not of money, specially received, 
that imparts to the fund received from lands its peculiar character. Money 
acquires its importance, not from its intrinsic value, but from the purposes it 
will accomplish. The pensions granted to your revolutionary soldiers, and 
the bounties paid to your fishermen are gratuities — it is ridiculous to talk of 
their being debts, for a debt is that which you are under obligation to pay. 
Will the gentleman from Maine pretend, that no part of your revenue can be 
applied to these purposes, after it has been put in the Treasury, and has there- 
fore partaken of the character of that raised from taxes and imposts, which 
he says can only be raised for the purpose of paying debts ? 

The gentleman took the ground — or most of his party did, who spoke up- 
on the subject — that the $25,000 which we voted to Mrs. Harrison, was a 
gratuity. Still, I presume, as the law has been passed, he thinks it right, 
she should be paid that amount of money. Will he insist that none of the 
money in the Treasury can be constitutionally applied to that purpose, be- 
cause it has been raised from " taxes, imposts, and excises," which can only 
be laid for the purpose of paying the debt of the United States ? And accord- 
ing to his position, that arising from the sale of the public lands can not be so 
applied, for as soon as it is put in the Treasury it loses its identity, and par- 
takes of the character of that arising from the forementioned sources. The 
fallacy of such an argument must be apparent to every one. 

But if he will be so strictly technical, in his construction of the Constitu- 
tion,! ask him, where he finds the power to appropriate the proceeds of the 
public lands to the payment of the debts of the United States? The power 
to " dispose of the territory " of the Government, is a general one, qualified 



13 

only by the claims of particular Slates, and the general limits of the Consti- 
tution. The power to " lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, ami excises," 
is in another article of the instrument, ami immediately precedes, and would 
therefore seem limited to, that '« to pay the dehts, and provide for the com* 
moo defence and general welfare." 1 It might be argued from this, that the Con- 
stitution never designed that these lands should be a source of revenue at all; 
and no one can believe that was the object of the Government, in purchasing 
Louisiana and Florida. Under the Constitution, the disposition of this fund 
is confided to the discr^ion ot the Government, subject to the claims of the 
States. As to the lands acquired by purchase, since the adoption of the Con- 
stitution, the exercise of that discretion, would place; them under the same 
system ot disposal, which has been applied without distinction heretofore. 
"\\ hen we purchased Louisiana and Florida, we had a land system in success- 
fid operation ; the same system of extinguishment of Indian title, survey, and 
sale, has heen applied without variation to both classes of lands. 'Flic coun- 
try has flourished under it. All the great purposes contemplated by cession 
and purchase have heen accomplished. Harmony, and the extinguishment of 
the revolutionary debt, have been effected by. the. first — and an unexampled 
progress of national strength and resources, by the last. 

We now propose to subject the whole of these lands to one uniform sys- 
tem for all future time — as well for the purpose of again restoring harmony 
on this subject, as of re-paying to the States, something, for the sacrifices they 
have made. 

The first lands were ceded for the purpose of paying the debt of the revo- 
lution, and were expressly appropriated to that purpose by the act of Con- 
gress, funding this deb , passed in 1790 — almost cotemporaneously with 
the deeds of cession. And if the lands never did pay oil" that debt, as in- 
sisted on by the gentleman from Maine, (Mr. Clifford,) yet, it has been 
paid off by a common treasure, the proceeds of common taxes contributed 
by all the States. If the lands acquired by purchase have never paid off the 
millions incurred by Indian wars, Indian relations, the extinguishment of In- 
dian titles, <tc, as insisted by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) 
yet, the balance has been paid by a revenue raised from taxes, the burthens 
of which have been felt by all the States 

I am by no means, however, to be understood as concuring with the es- 
timates, of the jrentlemen from Maine and Virginia, of the comparative 
pecuniary costs and avails of the Public Lands — even according to a strict 
counting-house calculation. I find in the National Intelligencer of this morn- 
ing, a very able article on this subject, in the estimates of which I fully con- 
cur; and to an examination of winch, I challenge the attention of those 
gentlemen, and of the whole country. From this it appears, that after stat- 
ing the debits and credits properly applicable to them, there i- a balance in 
favor of the public lands, of more than a hundred millions of doll 

•The following more detailed statement appeared in the Intelligencer of July 7th, »lie day 
after this speech was delivere !, which the author inserts in | to the one in that 

paper of July 6 — because it goes more in details. 

Estimate of the direct pecuniary l»v,>fits accruing from the Public Lands, end the cost 

nf their i nt, t<> the 30th September, 184C. 

Bv amount paid by the purchaser! <>f the public lands, including United 

States stocks and land -crips of I iptiou, exclusive of the purcl] I 

money of lands sdd for the benefit of the Indians - - ! '-10,149,085 

By amount of interest on the payments into the Treasury from the prOO 
"of the sales of public lands - - - - - - 62,850,520 

Bv value, at 51 25, of the lands granted to the States for school purposes, 

roads, canals, &c. 12,700,000 acres 15,875,000 



14 

If gentlemen are disposed to enter into such a nice calculation about the 
proceeds and costs of these lands, let them recollect, the burthens have fallen 
upon the States, and that their sacrifices have been greater than beyond the 
power of any system to reimburse. While this General Government, as a 
nation, has been paid a hundred fold, in its increase of resources and great- 
ness — the States, especially the old States, have lost power and consequence 
at home. It is true, the States, as integral portions of the Republic, share in 
the pride and glory of the nation — yet the very system, which has enriched 
this Government, has impoverished many of the old States, especially at the 
south. Their patriotism, their readiness, even to pour out their treasure for 
the support of this Union, has ultimately brought upon them poverty and 
decay. But it is not in the surrender of their lands, the payment of taxes for 
the purchase of other territory, their regular contributions in defraying the 
expense of the extinguishment of Indian title, in the survey, and sale of these 
lands ; it is not in all these that their greatest loss has consisted. No, sir, it 
is in something far more valuable still. It is, that the opening a market for 
this western domain, has operated as a regular drain upon their most vital 
resources, depriving them of their enterprize, their intellect, their character, 
and their wealth. Whilst the new States have rapidly grown into opulence 
and power, the old States, especially in the south, nave barely maintained 

By value, at $1 25, of the lands granted in lieu of money as bounties to the 

soldiers of the Revolutionary and late wars, 9,750,000 acres - - 12,187,500 

By value, at $1 25, of the "donations to individuals, exclusive of private 
claims," to 31st December, 1831, and exclusive of grants to the deaf and 
dumb, &c. being 224,558 acres ------ 280,697 



To the credit of the public lands ----- 211,341,803 
To amount paid under the convention with France 
of 3d of April, 1803, for the purchase of Louisi- 
ana in money and stocks - - $15,000,000 
To amount paid as interest on the stock up to the 

time it became redeemable - 8,529,353 

$23,529,353 



To amount paid for the purchase of Florida, under 

the treaty with Spain of the 22d February, 1819, 5,000,000 

To amount paid as interest on the stock constituted 
by act of 24th May, 1824, to meet awards under 
said treaty, up to the time it was paid off - 1,489,768 



6,489,768 



To amount paid to the State of Georgia in money and arms - 1,250,000 

To amount of Yazoo claims under act of 3d March, 1815 - 4,282,151 

To amount of salaries and contingent expenses of the Gene- 
ral Land Office to 30th September, 1840 - - - 1,379,520 

To amount of salaries and incidental expenses of the land offi- 
ces, paid out of the proceeds of the public lands while in the 
hands of the receivers, to 30th September, 1840 - - 3,611,993 

To amount of salaries of registers and receivers, paid by war- 
rants on the Treasurer of the United States - - 96,562 

To amount of salaries of the surveyors general and their 

clerks. Estimated, - - - - - 923,302 

To amount paid for surveying the lands which have been sold 

Estimated ------- 1,490,950 

To amount of 2, 3, and 5 per cent, funds from the periods 

when they first accrued ----- 4,599,913 

To amount of cempensation made to Indians for the public 

lands. Estimated ----- 21,669,524 



69,323,036 



Balance to the credit of the public lands - - $142,018,766 



15 

Oieir position. I know not how it may be in the northern Atlantic Stales, as 
I have never visited that region : but let any one travel throughout the south, 
ami he will see mv position is correct. He will see the very soil, consecra- 
ted by having been the battle grounds of the revolution, being fast converted 
into its original waste. He will see that the descendants of the very men who 
originally subdued the soil, and of those who afterwards rescued it from 
British power, have, like the Aborigines themselves, deserted the graves of 
their fathers, for a more propitious clime. lie will see nothing cal- 
culated to enliven his reelings, or exalt his hopes, as to our future destiny. 
He will see the foot-prints of ruin and desolation in every direction. He 
will see our once fertile, but now barren. fields, choked up with briars, or 
browsed by the lonely herds. He will see the remnants of mansions, once 
the abodes of refinement and gaiety, now tumbling into dilapidation and ruin. 
He will sec the neighboring trees, under whose quiet shade, their once happy 
tenants reclined, withering and decayed. He will see the very graves of 
their once proud owners, either without enclosures, or the plough of some 
neighboring cottager, entrenching on their confines. He may find some aged 
servant of the family, lingering around the home of his early days, and if he 
ask him, where are the sons and grandsons of the former owners of these 
possessions, he will receive for an answer, ll they are all gone to the far west.' , 
This is no picture of fancy, but a statement of fact. I do not complain of 
this, sir. I know it is the nature of man to pursue that course which will 
secure to enterprize its highest reward. I know it is impossible to retain our 
population on our barren and exhausted lands, while the vast west presents 
her fertile and virgin soil. This resistless tide of emigration will sweep on, 
and must sweep on, till the Rocky Mountains are scaled, and civilization has 
planted hei standard on the shores of the Pacific. But I do insist, that, as 
the old Stales, by their bounty, and the contribution of their treasure, have 
provided the very means of their own decay — now, in this day of their decline, 
you should not forget their former sacrifices, but that you should bestow upon 
them a portion of the means which they have put at your disposal, for the 
purpose of partially restoring their prosperity. 

The position has been frequently taken in this debate, and it was pressed 
by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Alford,) that this distribution is a 
gratuity, and that we have no right to give away these lands, or their pro- 
ceeds to the State governments. It is too late to raise this argument, even if 
it were well founded. Has not this Government uniformly given to the new 
States, on their admission into the Union, every sixteenth section of all the 
land within their limits, for the purposes of education ? Has it not granted to 
them tens of thousands of acres, as sites for public buildings, for charitable in- 
stitutions, <\:c, ? And if this Government has the righl to <r ivr away a portion 
of the public lands to the new States, lias it not a right to give them the \% ' 
And if it has the right to give the whole to the new States, has it not a right to 
divide them equally by gift among all Ui Tin gentleman from Georgia 

is estop ped from using this argument, by the uniform practice of the Govern- 
ment, ever since the land system first went into operation. Again, the party 
which is so much opposed to this measure, have mostly been in favor of a 
graduation of prices, by which the price of the land is to be gradually lessened, 
after it has been I long in market ; and that the lands less valuable are ultimate- 
ly to be given to the States in which they lie. If this Government has a right 
to sell these lands for less than their value, it has the right to brin<r down 
the price of all to a mere nominal sum; and if it has a right to give 
away the lands, after they have been so long in market, it must have the 
right to give the whole of them away, in the first instance. So we see, that 
the power of this Government to give away the proceeds of the public lands, 



10 



is recognised, not only by the uniform practice of tlic Government, but by 
the uniform course of the very party who now oppose this measure so strenu- 
ously. As to the power of Congress to dispose of these lands, and to do so, 
not for the purpose of revenue, I will give an authority from one, whose word 
has lon»r been as potent with the present opposition party, as is the language 
of the Koran with the followers of Mahomet. In his annual message of De- 
cember, 1832, President Jackson, says: 

- As the lands ma)- now be considered as relieved from this pledge, the object for which 
they wore coded having been accomplished, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose of 
them in such way as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and general interest of the 
American people," &c. " It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands shall 
cease as soon as practicable to be a source of revenue," &c. 

This authority, I commend especially, to the consideration of the gentle- 
man from Maine, (Mr. Clifford.) 

It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of July 10, 1 S 4 1 T 
that donations of land to the amount of millions of acres have been made 
to the new States, for the purposes of their domestic improvements.* Now, 
sir, I do not find fault with this. I am not one of thosje who look with jeal- 
ousy, upon the rising glory and power of the west. Far from it. The west 
is a part of my country — her citizens are my fellow countrymen, and many 
of her champions of intellect and learning, are scions transplanted from the 
soil of my own State. My heart leaps with joy, whenever I look at the 
map, and behold my country — which, but sixty years since, consisted of a 
belt on the Atlantic coast — stretching half across this broad continent, and 
adding fresh lustre to the American name, in proportion to its progress in 
strength and greatness. Still, when I contemplate the rising prosperity of 
the nourishing west, I am the more forcibly reminded of the decay of my 
own Atlantic region. And after all, I love the old North State, the land of 
my nativity, and my home, better than any region under the sun. Her rights 
and her interests demand my first regard. Sir, we are willing you should 



*In the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of July 10th, 1841 , we have the following : 

Exhibit of the quantity of land granted to each of the States and Territories, and the 
purposes fur which granted, stated in acres. 













Aggregate quan- 




Granted for Col- 




Granted for seats 




tity granted to 


States and Ter 


leges, Acada- 


Granted for road - 


ofGrOvemmentj 


Granted for sa- 


each State and 


ritories. 


mics and Uni- 


and canals. 


and public buil 


lines. 


Territory, ex- 




versities. 




dings. 




clusive of the 












16tli sections. 


Ohio, 


69,120 


1^050,287 74 


- 


23,680 00 


1,143,087 74 


Indiana, 


46,080 


•783,209 72 


2,560 


23,040 00 


854,889 72 


Illinois, 


46,080 


480,000 00 


2,560 


121,629 68 


650,269 68 


Missouri, 


46,080 


- 


2,4 t9 


46,080 00 


94,609 00 


Alabama, 


46,560 


400,000 00 


1,620 


23,040 00 


471,220 00 


Mississippi, 


46,080 


- 


1,280 


- 


47,360 00 


Louisiana, 


46,080 


- 


- 


- 


46,080 00 


Michigan, 


46,080 


- 


13,200 


46,080 00 


105,360 00 


Arkansas, 


46,080 


- 


10,600 


46,080 00 


102,760 00 


Florida, 


46,080 


- 


1,120 


- 


47,200 00 


Wisconsin, 


46,080 


171,200 00 


- 


- 


217,280 00 


Iowa, 


46,080 




640 


- 


46,720 00 




576,480 


2,884,697 46 


36,029 


329,629 68 


3,826,836 14 



*The State claims, in addition to this quantity, an equivalent for 24,290 acres and 
14-100dths, covered by Indian reservations in fee simple, which will require a confirmatory 
act of Congress, for which the State has applied. 

The foregoing is exclusive of the 16th section granted for education. 



lr 

lavish your bounty on the new States — hut, we insist, that in distributing 
your blessings, you should not forget our sacrifices and our services, in the 
hour of peril. We ask for nothing but an equality of benefits, as \vc have 
to bear an equality of burthens. And as the lands were iirst ceded, for the 
purpose of "restoring harmony," as well as paying oft' the revolutionary 
debt — we now insist, for the purpose of restoring harmony on this vexed 
question, that they shall be disposed of, for the common itse and benefit of 
all the States. This, the bill under consideration proposes, by dividing annu- 
ally, the proceeds of their sales among the States of the Union, in propor- 
tion to their federal population. 

Air. Chairman, by what principle of justice is it, that the new States should 
be so highly favored by this Government, by heavy and constant donations 
of this land, and the old States should receive none? It is around the old 
States that cluster all the associations of our early history, and of our national 
origin. The old States constituted the nucleus of the Union, they fought the 
battles of the revolution, they furnished the heroes and sages of that trying 
period, whose bones now lie inhumed in their soil. They first gave you a 
portion of the lands, and afterwards purchased others, with their common 
treasure. And will the new States, can they forget all this, and refuse to the 
old States, a portion of the benefits arising from this fund ! A V i 1 1 the new 
States which have been nourished by our kindness, now, when they have 
grown strong, treat the old States as children treat their parents in some parts 
of India, when the latter have become old and infirm — put them to death ? I 
appeal to the members of the new States, and ask them if they will be guilty 
of such ingratitude as this. 

The irentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Alford,) and the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania, (Mr. Brown,) both took the ground — that this bill would 
strike a blow at the rights of the States — that the States would become sup- 
pliants for the bounty of this Government. I think entirely different. It 
will probably strengthen the attachment of the States to this Union, because 
they will have an additional interest in adhering to it. But then, they will 
speak in the language of demand to this Government, as their agent, when 
asking, not for its bounty, but their rights. They will have a different in- 
ducement, to see that the expense of this land system shall be placed on the 
most economical system — instead of being a corruption fund for political pur- 
poses. They will have a new motive, to see that this Government shall be 
administered with the most rigid economy, lest an extravagant expenditure 
may create an excuse, for withdrawing these lands from the operation of this 
system. Above all, the States will be strengthened, by a proper application 
of their distributive shares, to resist the encroachments of this Government — 
whose means of mischief will also be lessened by the abstraction of this fund. 
The passage of this bill will weaken the Executive arm, and so far it will 
strengthen the rights of the States. Why will it weaken the Executive arm ! 
Because the public lands will cease to be a party question. The Executive 
will be unable to gain influence, by giving the sanction of his name to new 
and deceptive measures. He cannot wink at the malpractices of the officers 
engaged in this system ; for the States will have an interest, in holding them 
to accountability. He cannot connive at the reservation of doctttri to hit 
friends, in the negotiation of Indian treaties; for as the States would be the 
losers, they would hold him responsible. Mr cannot force into market, with- 
out notice, and without demand, lar<re quantities of the public lands, to affect 
the local elections, or to benefit his speculating friends. Such conduct would 
arouse the indignation of the States, the fear of which would opci 
check upon him. This bill then, so far from * 2 State rights — will, 

in mv judgment, strencthpu th" pow< r of th< . n their p 

The gentleman from Vii Mr. Giufti m to this 



13 

bill, on the ground, that there was now a deficit in the Treasury— and that he 
considered it bad policy to distribute revenue, when we wanted revenue. 
Sir, I am willing to admit, that if I felt sure the present system of selling the 
public lands, could go on quietly — if it were possible to keep this subject out 
of the great presidential vortex, that is swallowing up every matter of legisla- 
tion, I would postpone this measure, to a future season, at all events, till there 
should be no debt to pay. But I should be blind to the passing events before 
me, if I did not see, that unless this bill is passed now, it never can become 
a law. Fail to adopt some permanent system, for the disposition of the pub- 
lic lands, and they will become so much political stock, with which selfish 
politicians will attempt to buy up the votes of the western States for the 
Presidency. What did we witness in the Senate at the last session ? Divers 
plans, for the purpose of making these lands available, as so much political 
capital. There was a plan for giving them to the States in which they lie, 
under the guise of cession. There was the plan to throw open all the choice 
portions of these lands to depredators and foreigners, at the minimum price, 
under the name of prospective preemption. There is also the plan pressed 
from year to year, to render the inferior lands valueless, by the operation of 
graduation, after having given away the prime lands at the minimum price. 
In addition to this, the demands of the new States, for a voluntary surrender 
to them, of all the lands within their limits, are growing louder and louder 
every day. Wait till the representative comes here from the west, under 
the next apportionment, by the late census — and they, united with the oppo- 
sition party from the old States, who seem resolved their States never shall 
receive any benefit from these lands — will dictate law to you on this subject. 
They will demand all the lands as a gratuity. Some presidential aspirant 
will be ready to lead the van, and these lands will cease forever to be a source 
of either revenue or distribution. Now, now, is the time, for all the States 
to get justice. The majority of the members of this House must believe, 
that the passage of this bill, is one of the great measures of reform, which the 
people expect at our hands — and if this House will not pass it, under a sense 
of this responsibility, it is useless to expect it, after the hopes of the country 
have resulted in disappointment. 

I was most surprised at the course pursued by the Hon. gentleman 
from Georgia, (Mr. Merriwether.) He made an argument in favor of this 
measure — a very good one too — and yet gave notice he should vote against it. 
And why ? For the same reason, that General Jackson gave for vetoing this 
measure in 1833 — because ten per cent, is to be allowed to the new States, 
over and above their distributive shares. Then the gentleman is determined, 
that if he cannot get all he may think Georgia entitled to, he will have nothing. 
He is resolved, that sooner than settle permanently this question now, by the 
only compromise which is likely to ensure its success — he will forever leave 
these lands a prey to political speculators, and the inordinate demands and 
grasping policy of the new States. I have no idea, the measure can ever suc- 
ceed, without this provision granting ten per cent, to the new Stales. 
Although I would have left out this provision, had I possessed absolute con- 
trol over the subject, yet, 1 have no disposition to cavil about it. The new 
States are subject to many difficulties and privations, to many heavy expenses 
in conducting their internal governments, with a sparse population and an un- 
improved country. By the terms of their entrance into the Union, the Go- 
vernment lands are not subject to State taxation for five years. I have no 
wish then, to exercise the rigid policy of step-mother, towards the new States 
of the west. Let them have the ten per cent. A proper expenditure of it, 
will only serve to enhance the value of the neighboring lands, which will ulti- 
mately enrich our coffers. Whether this principle of extra donation to the 
new States, be founded in good policy or not — it has been coeval with our 



ft 

present land system ; it lias become the settled policy of this Government; it 
is indispensable to the success of the measure — and in public, as in private 
life, we must adapt our action to things as they are, and not as we would 
have them to be. Does the gentleman prefer that Georgia should get nothing, 
rather than get all she ought to have? Is he not willing for the sake 
of harmony, that Georgia should yield something, to enable her to obtain her 
rights? 

But is there no just ground for granting this ten per cent, to the new 
States ? If it is the object of this bill to operate equally on all the States, 
there will be found to be no inequality after all ; if any, it will, in less than 
ten years, be found operating against the new States. According to this bill, 
the distribution is to be made, by apportionment under the census of 1840. 
By 1850, the population of many of the new States will have more than 
doubled ; while that of the old States will probably remain stationary. This 
process will continue; by 1850 the new States with their additional ten per 
cent, will hardly receive their proportionate share, according to the ratio of 
the census of 1840. 

The bill is presented to us, as one of compromise. No friend of the mea- 
sure, will pretend, I presume, that it is perfect in all parts. This is not to be 
expected. In a country of such extent, and diversified interests as ours, it is 
not to be expected that any great system, affecting the interests of all, can be 
devised, without conciliation and compromise. Each section must yield 
something, in order to secure a measure, which will obtain the sanction of 
the whole. "While some gentlemen from the old States object to this bill as 
yielding too much to the new States — others from these last, object to it, as 
yielding too little. How can they meet, except on a medium ground ? How 
can the Government itself exist, unless gentlemen will yield something of 
sectional interest, for the good of the whole country? Although I am not in 
favor of the pre-emption system — which has been made aground of objection 
by some — as a substantive measure, yet I know it is a favorite one with the 
people of the west. It is one which they will not willingly surrender. In 
framing a great system, intended to be permanent in its character, and affect- 
ing their interests as well as ours, their views and their feelings must be con- 
sulted. Not only because it is right and proper, but because their power is 
too great to be unheeded. 

The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) objects most strenuously to this 
hill, because, as he says, it recognises and revives the exploded doctrine of 
internal improvements in the States, by the General Government. So far from 
it, it appears to me, to be eminently calculated to put an end to it forever. 
As long as such heavy expenditures are annually made, for the defences of 
the Atlantic coast — properly made too — the people of the west will never 
rease their demands, to have some portion of the public money expended in 
improving the channels of navigation and commercial intercourse in their own 
region: unless they have placed within their control, the means of doing it 
themselves. As they increase in numbers, their demands will also increase ; 
and as they grow in power, you will be the less able to resist their applica- 
tions. I am not speaking of what this Government ought to do; but what, in 
all probability it will do. I am looking to the future, not with an abstract, but 
with a practical view. By distributing the proceeds of the public lands among 
the States, you will relieve the General Government from the constant and 
annoying demands of the States, for internal improvements within their borders. 
You will enabl? the States to carry on their own improvements, in their own 
way, and subject to their own management and control. You will thus in- 
crease the power and consequence of the States ; uhilst you will weaken tho 
centralizing influence of the Federal Government, in the exercise of this 
doubtful, dangerous, and inconvenient power of internal improvement. 



20 

The gentleman from New York, (Mr. McKeon,) drew a vivid picture of 
what he termed the crouching survility, and degradation of the States ; as 
they would annually present themselves, by begging for the bounty of this 
Government. Now, which is most degrading — demanding their rights, in 
order to enable them to carry on their own improvements, in their own way ; 
or beseeching this Government, year after year, to extend its soveriegn power 
within their limits, for the purpose of improving their internal condition? 
"Which is most calculated to elevate the character and tone of feeling, in the 
States of this Union — to receive that which rightfully belongs to them, under 
the regular operation of a permanent system, to be applied in such way as 
their own wisdom may suggest; or to be annually engaged, through their rep- 
resentatives here, in obtaining from Federal authority, by every species of 
legislation intrigue and management, the expenditure of a small pittance of 
its treasure within their limits? Did the gentleman from New York, never 
vote for appropriations to improve the navigation of the Hudson river, or the 
harbors on the lakes ? The gentleman shakes his head-^-then if he has not, 
his colleagues of the party to which he belongs, have ; and the late President, 
the head of his party, annually signed bills, appropriating hundreds of thou- 
sands of dollars, to the improvement of rivers in the interior. According to 
the argument of the gentleman fiom New York, it is degrading to the States, 
to effect their own improvements, with means which they receive as a matter 
of right; whilst there is nothing humiliating, in their asking this Government 
to do it, as a matter of favor. This is decidedly a States rights measure. It 
recognises the surrender to the States, of that which rightfully belongs to 
them ; while it will further enable them, to develop their resources ; relieve their 
citizens from the burthens of domestic taxation ; strengthen their power ; and 
the better enable them, to maintain all the other rights, reserved to them by the 
constitution. 

This bill has been objected to, — and the point has been strongly urged by the 
gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise) — on the ground that it was a virtual 
assumption by this Government, of the debts of the several States. How 
can this charge be seriously made ? I know of no friend of this bill here, no 
not one, who advocates such assumption. Does not the bill leave the States 
free, to apply their quotas " to any use or purpose," which they, in their judg- 
ment, may think proper ? Are none of the States to receive their distributive 
shares, except those that are in debt? North Carolina owes no debt; she is 
therefore the more fortunate, in being able to apply her share, to improving 
her channels of commerce ; removing the obstructions which gird her sea- 
coast ; uniting her eastern and western borders; bringing down the products 
of her mountains to her Atlantic depots ; and in preventing the productions 
of her soil from being transported to other States, to enrich other communi- 
ties, which feel no sympathies in common with her. She wants her share, 
to enable her to educate her children ; to perfect her system of common schools, 
which she is just carrying into operation ; and thus bring to her service all 
the native intellect within her limits. She wants it to enable her to complete 
the draining of her millions of acres of swamp lands ; to convert these waste 
noorasses into fertile fields ; and thus offer to her enterprizing citizens, some 
inducement to remain on their native soil, instead of emigrating to the distant 

This bill contemplates no assumption of State debts. It is true, it leaves 
to the States, the right to appropriate their shares to the payment of their 
debts, if they owe any — and to that extent, it will relieve their citizens from 
the payment of taxes, to discharge the annual interest on those debts. Whether 
the States acted wisely or unwisely in incurring debts, is not the question we 
have to decide. Whether they apply their r;hares of the proceeds of the 
lands, to internal improvement, to education, or to the payment of their debts, 



21 

ts a matter for their own soverign consideration. No State-rights man can 
question their right to dispose of it as they think proper. But, sir, is not this 
distribution bill the beat system that can be devised, to prevent the assump- 
tion of the State debts, by this Government? Is not this 'dea of assumption 
beginning to gain favor in those States that are heavily in debt? Let this 
doctrine once be openly avowed and advocated, by those seeking popular fa- 
vor, and it will sweep away every obstacle in its progress — in those States 
that are heavily in debt. It will produce a harvest of demagogues, whose 
appeals will be made to the selfishness, and not the patriotism of the human 
heart ; whose cry will be " relief from taxation" — and he knows little of the 
nature of the public mind, who does not see, that this doctrine will sweep 
like a tornado over those States, whose citizens would be relieved by its prac- 
tical application. The people will be told, that this Government is unjustly 
withholding from the States, that which belongs to them — and that, as it will 
not enable them to pay their debts with their own money, it should assume 
the debts itself. And the result of such assumption would be, that the States 
which owe no debts would have to bear the burthens of paying the debts of 
others. North Carolina would be taxed to pay the debts of Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, and the other indebted States. I am utterly opposed to the as- 
sumption of the State debts, by the General Government — and I believe this 
system the best that can be devised, to prevent the agitation and adoption of 
such a project. Distribute the proceeds of your public lands among the 
States — those States that are in debt, in consequence of having already im- 
proved their internal condition, will be enabled to relieve their citizens from the 
heavy taxation to which they are now subjected, in order to pay the interest 
on their debts: and our country will be saved the disgrace abroad, arising 
from the refusal of any of the States, to pay those debts for which their honor 
and character are pledged. You will thus take away every ground of excuse, 
for advocating assumption by this Government; you deprive demagogues of 
the weapons, with which they will attack the friends of the constitution; and 
you save the country from the reproach of a noncompliance with its solemn 
obligations. 

The argument mostly relied on in opposition to this measure, during this 
debate, is, that, by abstracting the proceeds of the public lands, we create a 
necessity for additional duties on foreign imports, for the purpose of supply- 
ing the Treasury. I have attempted to show, and I sincerely believe, that 
whether you distribute the proceeds from lands or not, they will soon cease 
to be a source of revenue at all. They will either be brought down to a mere 
nominal price, barely sufficient to defray the expense of survey and sale ; or 
they will be voluntarily yielded to the demands of the States within which 
they lie. I should be blind to the movements passing before me, if I did not 
see this. Hut a this were not the case, it is generally admitted, that there 
must soon be a revision of the present tariff, not inconsistent with the com- 
promise act of ,'33. Even with the income from lands, the present rate of 
duties will not yield revenue sufficient to defray the necessary expenses of 
the Government, and put the country in a state of defence. And in revising 
this system, 1 shall take my rjround, in favor of a uniform rate of duties on 
all foreign imports. I am utterly opposed to the principle of discrimination. 
This is what the South has always complained of. It is the source and origin 
of all protective tariffs. Equalization of duties is the only principle of safety 
for the South. Once you commence the system of discriminating duties, the 
South is at the mercy of the Northern and Middle States. I might except 
from the operation of this rule, articles that are indispensable to our national 
safety in time of war — as arms, and munitions of war, which I would pro- 
hibit altogether. I might in time of great pressure and distress, exempt cer- 
tain articles of prime necessity, which enter into the general consumption by 
the poor — as salt, sugar, coffee, molasses, &c. Perhaps it would be right to 



22 

exempt certain raw materials, drugs, dye stuffs, &c, which would not be im- 
ported at all, but for the existence of our manufacturing establishments — and 
especially those, which enter into the manufacture of articles intended for ex- 
portation. With these, and other reasonable exceptions, I am in favor of a 
uniform rate of duties on foreign imports. Well, what is our revenue likely 
to be, under such a system as this ? Taking a series of seven successive 
years, ending September, 1840, we have an annual average of imports, 
amounting to $141,476,769. I discover from the report of the Secretary of 
the Treasury at the last session, on commerce and navigation, that the specie 
and bullion imported during the year ending September, 1839, amounted to 
$5,595,176. I know not whether this be any thing like an average of the 
annual importation of specie and bullion — if it is, after deducting it from the 
gross amount, we have left $135,881,593. This amount of annual imports, 
at 20 per cent, will yield $27,176,000. After deducting one fifth for refund- 
ed duties, drawbacks, &c, we have still left near $22,000,000 nett income 
from foreign importations. After making still further allowance, for those 
cases of exception above alluded to, where I would be willing to depart from 
the strict rule of uniformity of duty — we have left more than twenty millions 
of dollars annually — enough for an economical administration of this Govern- 
ment in time of peace. In time of war, when the public safety supercedes 
every other consideration, there is not a State in this Union, that would not 
willingly surrender all claims to the proceeds of these lands, for the purpose 
of defraying its expense. At all events, they would have to contribute to the 
support of such war; and is it not reasonable to suppose, they would prefer 
the lands should be so applied, rather than submit to a heavy direct taxation ? 

By no means will I agree that the luxuries of life shall be imported free 
of duty, whilst the necessaries are taxed 20 per cent. — as will be the case, under 
the operation of the present tariff. From a report made to the Senate, by the 
late Secretary of the Treasury, (Mr. Woodbury,) dated January 18, 1841, it 
appears, that there were consumed during the year 1838, silks, worsted stuffs, 
and linens, to the amount of $14,000,000, which were imported duty free. 
These at a duty of 20 per cent, would yield a revenue of $2,800,000. It fur- 
ther appears, from a statement prepared at the Treasury Department, quoted 
by the gentleman from Maine, that during the year 1810, there were imported 
wines to the amount of $2,209,176 — paying according to the present rate of 
duties, but 196,073 79 — whereas at a duty of 20 per cent., they would have 
yielded $441,835 20. The revenue that would thus arise on silks, worsteds, 
and linens, now imported free — and wines now paying less than 20 per cent. ; 
would amount to more than three millions annually — enough to compensate 
for the income abstracted from the sales of the public lands. 

From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, of 10th July, 1841 — it 
appears that since the present cash system went into operation in 1820, the 
average income* arising from the sale of the public lands, has amounted to 

• Statement of sales of public lands and amount received since the adoption of the cash 
system in 1820; 

1821, acres, 781,213 32 $1,169,224 98 1832, acres, 2,462,342 16 §3,115,376 09 

1822, do 801,226 18 1,023,267 83 1833, do 3,856,227 56 4,972,284 84 

1823, do 653,319 52 850,141 26 1834, do 4,658,218 71 6,099,981 04 

1824, do 749,323 04 953,799 03 1835, do 12,564,478 S5 15,999,804 11 

1825, do 893,401 69 1,205,068 37 1836, do 20,074,870 92 25,167,833 06 

1826, do 848,082 26 1,128,857 29 1837, do 5,601,103 12 7,007,523 04 

1827, do 926,727 76 1,318,105 36 1838, do 3,414,907 42 4,305,564 64 

1828, do 965,600 36 1,221,357 99 1839, do 4,976,382 87 6,064,556 78 

1829, do 1,144,707 19 1,447,950 04 1840, do 2,240,272 97 2,808,060 14 

1830, do 1,929,733 79 2,433,432 94 1841, to 31st 

1831, do 2,777,856 88 3,557,023 76 March, 334,826 81 418,786 53 



72,655,083 38 $92,267,639 12 



23 



more than $4,000,000 annually. After deducting the 10 percent, allowed to 
the new States, and the expenses of survey and sale — there will remain at 
least S3, 000, 000 annually, to be divided among the States.* 

Let this sum be annually distributed among the States, and what immense 
means are put at their command, towards improving their internal condition; 
strengthening themselves, the better to repel foreign invasion ; increasing 
their wealth and domestic comfort ; developing their moral, social, and intel- 
lectual condition ; restoring their shattered and decaying credit in the markets 
of Europe. They will be enabled to open all their avenues of trade and com- 
merce, by which theiivphysical resources will be developed, and the labor of 
their industry rewarded. You will enable each one of them, to forge a link 
in the great chain of commercial interest, which will forever bind this Union 
together. 

You will enable them to scatter the blessings of education throughout their 
borders ; to send " the schoolmaster abroad," to the door of every cottage ; and 
to bring to the service of his country, many an indigent youth, that might 
otherwise have passed through life, unknowing, and unknown. You will 
enable them to lay open to the light of day, many a rich mine of knowledge, 
tiiat might otherwise remain forever concealed, beneath the depths of ignorance 
and vice. You will enable each State to establish a moral garden within its 
limits, for the cultivation of many a mental flower, that might otherwise 
M waste its sweetness on the desert air." 

Those States that are in debt, will be enabled to relieve their citizens from 
the burthens of taxation, and to consummate those splendid efforts of domestic 
improvement, that have been impeded by the pressure of the times. They 
will be enabled to regain their partially lost credit abroad ; to restore the credit 
of American stocks in the European market; and to save our common coun- 
try, from the odium, of a disregard of its plighted faith. 

Put this beautiful, this harmonious system into operation, and no one can 
estimate the blessings that will result from it ; no one can foresee the rich 
harvest of prosperity, that future generations will reap from our present labors. 
Establish a system, which is so well calculated to develop the physical and 
intellectual resources of a great people, and the heart swells with the very 
poetry of feeling, as it contemplates our future destiny, Can the mind dwell 
upon a more sublime spectacle, than that of this vast continent, tenanted by 
fifty millions of beings, divided into separate and independent communities, 
all bound together by the strong ties of interest and affection — the abode of 
intelligence, refinement, and free institutions ; after all these shall have been 
swallowed up by the tumult and faction, which are undermining the Govern- 
ments of the old world. I believe that the great principles of Anglo-American 



• The following table shows what each State would annually receive under this bill — 
supposing $3,000,000 to be distributed per year — and supposing the ratio of representation 
under the late census to be put at 60,000. If any other ratio should be fixed on, the relative 
proportions will be the same. The sums are stated in round numbers — 



Maine 


- £96,000 


South Carolina 


$84,000 


New Hampshire 


- 48,000 


Georgia 


- 


108,000 


Vermont - 


- 48,000 


Alabama 


- 


96,000 


Massachusetts - 


- 144,000 


Mississippi 


. 


48,000 


Connecticut 


- 60,000 


Louisiana 


- 


48,000 


Rhode Island - 


12,000 


Tennessee 


. 


144,000 


New York 


- 480,000 


Kentucky 


• 


132,000 


New Jersey 


72.000 


Ohio - 


- 


300,000 


Pennsylvania - 


- 336.000 


Indiana 


- 


132,000 


Delaware 


- 12,000 


Missouri 


- 


84,000 


Maryland 


- 72,000 


Illinois - 


- 


60,000 


Virginia - 


- 204,000 


Arkansas 


. 


12,000 


North Carolina 


- 120,000 


Michigan 


- 


36,000 



n 

civilization are not to be confined to the present limits of our Republic. I 
believe that this resistless current will continue to roll on, till it shall sweep 
over this western world, from Greenland to Cape Horn. And it will not stop 
even here. It will still go westward — it will subdue from savage dominion, 
the Islands that dot the surface of the vast Pacific ; it will ultimately reach 
the shores of Japan and China; it will ascend the steppes of the Himalay 
and Caucasian Mountains ; it will ultimately reach the forests of Germany, 
whence it sprang, to redeem its parent soil, from the grasp of despotism and 
decay. I wish no higher honor, than to give an impetus to this mighty move- 
ment. I wish no greater fame, than to aid in laying one stone in this mighty 
fabric, beneath which, millions will repose in peace and happiness, long 
after we shall have departed, and our names shall be forgotten. 



«ES&ELfi£_ 9.9.NGRESS £ 



027 331 551 2 



